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Imbalanced constituencies, controversial overseas voting, widespread electoral irregularities, and manipulation of the electoral process by ruling governments all add up to the overwhelming fact that St. Kitts and Nevis is in dire need of electoral reform. Protests in Basseterre in 2014 and 2015, and recent protests in Roseau, suggest that reform is a serious issue. Citizens are willing to take¹1qqwo ensure democracy through a proper and fair electoral process precipitated by a proper electoral reform.

Electoral reform must be done—but done correctly. We are all witnessing in Dominica where citizens are violently protesting electoral reform bills that are seemingly being forced on them. This serves as a stark reminder that any electoral reform process must be inclusive, transparent, and widely accepted by the people it affects.

Firstly, the matter of the overseas voter needs to be definitively addressed with any reform. Note that any reform must include widespread consultation. It is clear that the overseas vote carries significant weight and essentially determines the elections. Many question this phenomenon and are of the view that overseas voters, who do not experience the on-the-ground challenges of citizens and voters at home, should not be allowed to simply pop in every five years to determine a government that they don’t have to live under. On the ground, it is clear that most citizens do not support the overseas vote—at least not in the way it persists currently. Overseas voters, at the very least, need to abide by strict registration guidelines as well as equally strict guidelines to maintain their eligibility. The consensus, though, has been that if overseas voters want to participate, they must exhibit some high level of presence on the island—whether it means at least six months straight on the island in order to register, or a minimum of at least annual presence in order to maintain eligibility or presence on voter lists.

Secondly, the country needs at least four additional seats in order to ensure near equity among the constituencies. This may mean 10 seats on St. Kitts and 5 seats on Nevis. It is also clear that constituencies #8, #2, and #9 must be updated and subdivided as they are way too large and far from any semblance of near equal representation. This may mean splitting both Central Basseterre and Constituency #8 into two. Many have already speculated that the SKNLP ruling administration is already planning an electoral reform that would benefit them and, most of all, relieve PM Drew of Cayon to significantly heighten his chances of maintaining his seat. His presence in Cayon since being elected has been minimal, with no town hall meetings, no one-on-one engagements, and no walk-throughs—all of which suggest that the plan is already afoot to trim Cayon and tack it onto Constituency #7, thus giving PAM and PLP a major issue to contend with as far as the new makeup of that constituency is concerned.

Central Basseterre “A” would or can likely cover areas like McKnight, New Road, and Greenlands, while Central Basseterre “B” will cover all the remaining areas in the constituency. The SKNLP is no doubt working on electoral reform—or, as many simply put it, “boundary changes.”

The country needs more seats and more MPs. Samal Duggins’ challenges in handling his assigned ministries is a clear example that more MPs are needed so that ministries could get the attention they deserve. Duggins’ inability to manage his ministries is a perfect rationale for an additional minister, which could come from additional constituencies.

By the way, does anyone know why the latest census remains behind closed doors with nobody following how the census will affect the electoral reform process?